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Germany 1918–1939:
the Weimar Republic
Paul Kiem
Trinity Catholic College, Auburn
Outcomes
A student:
| H2.1 | Explains sources and ideas and assesses their significance in contributing to change and continuity during the twentieth century |
| Extract from Modern History Stage 6 Syllabus © Board of Studies NSW 2004. |
Key features and issues
- successes and failures of democracy
- nature and role of nationalism
- influence of the German army
- changes in society
From this tutorial you will learn about the political, economic and social issues in the Weimar Republic to 1929.
The following are extracts from an article which first appeared in Teaching History, July 1998 and is expanded in the HTA Modern History Guide 2006.
Political and Economic issues
In order to understand reasons for the collapse of the Weimar Republic, it is essential to examine its political history. With six governments between 1924 and 1928, it had no real political stability. Also, many of the parties were narrowly sectional, their priority being to look after the interests of the class, area or religion that they represented. Overall loyalty to democracy was often of secondary importance.
The existence throughout the 1920s of paramilitary groups also reflects a weakness in the democracy. Such groups include the Nazi Sturmabteilung, nationalist Stahlhelm and communist Red Front.
Army commander Von Seeckt saw the need to support Stresemann's policy of fulfilment so that Germany could gain stability and time to recover; but the Army tolerated rather than supported democracy. Generals had an inordinate influence on cabinet and, after 1925, on the President. In the late 1920s, generals like Groener and Schleicher were in a position to push for strong government and this helped to undermine democracy.
In 1926 Luther's government actually resigned over the issue of which flag German ships would fly, the old imperial flag or the new republican one. This indicates the continuing division in loyalties and the fragility of democracy. (Flags are a very emotive issue in any country!)
In 1926 a referendum on a proposal to redistribute the wealth of the old royal families was defeated. The proposal had been sponsored by the communists and supported by the Social Democrats (SDs). This, however, was enough to generate middle-class opposition. Once again, even in the good years, the following were demonstrated: clear divisions, a continuing attachment to the imperial past, very limited support for republican ideals and a tendency on the part of the middle class to side with the right wing whenever they felt threatened by the left.
Philosophers such as Oswald Spendler were anti-democratic and promoted an authoritarian, nationalist outlook.
The old right wing was never loyal to the republic, even when conditions were relatively good. As AJP Taylor says, the "national classes" saw in the republic "only the symbol of defeat".
Stresemann, the hero of the good years for democracy, was hardly a committed democrat. His policy of fulfilment was designed to give Germany a respite so that it could recover from the war. His ultimate intention was to undo the conditions of the Versailles Treaty and recover lost territory. He advised others to become "republicans of the head, not the heart".
There were considerable achievements in social policy:
- 1927 Provisional Work Hours Law: limited work hours or provided penalty rates for overtime
- 1927 Unemployment Insurance Act: national insurance for unemployed
- Pay increases for lower levels of the civil service.
These measures were popular with workers but helped to alienate business people, especially those in small businesses. To the middle class it seemed that workers were doing well out of democracy but their own position was being eroded. For big business it seemed that the unions were gaining too much power.
In the 1928 election moderate parties did well, with gains for the Social Democrats. However, they still needed to form a coalition government containing some right-wing ministers. Unfortunately, one of the first things this new government had to deal with again was the reparations question. The Young Plan was a further improvement on the Dawes Plan; but, because it required Germany to continue paying reparations for a long period, the right reacted against the signing of the agreement.
In 1929 Hugenberg, an industrialist and leader of the Nationalist Party, organised a National Committee, which included Hitler, to sponsor a referendum to oppose the signing of the Young Plan. Their proposed Law against the enslavement of the German people failed to pass through the Reichstag and the referendum was easily defeated. In the short term this seemed like a victory for democratic forces and Stresemann's moderate policy of fulfilment. At the same time, however, the National Committee brought Hitler to prominence. This was just before the Depression struck. The National Committee also set up a link between the old right and Hitler's new nationalists.
In early 1929 the Weimar Republic appeared to be relatively stable: in the previous elections extremist groups had not been supported, Muller led a broadly-based coalition, Stresemann's foreign policy had been successful, the standard of living was reasonable and Germans benefited from a good social welfare system.
In 1930 the last French occupying troops left the Rhineland as a result of Stresemann's diplomacy. According to AJP Taylor, these occupying troops had been a restraining influence on right-wing groups, who had some fear of foreign intervention if they tried to destroy democracy. With foreign troops off German soil, right-wing groups could now operate with much less tolerance for democracy. According to this view, the Depression was less important in bringing down democracy than the fact that right-wing groups had only ever been biding their time, waiting for an opportunity to destroy democracy.
Social Issues
Overy maintains that "Weimar's liberal credentials were real enough, but they masked another, very different Germany". Within German society there were many groups who were deeply resentful of democracy and nostalgic for the order, prosperity and international standing of the pre-war years. The most significant of these groups was the old ruling class. The election of Hindenburg, one of their own, to the Presidency in 1925 gave renewed hope that the past could be restored. No matter how honourable Hindenburg intended to be with regard to the democratic constitution, it was odd symbolism for a new democracy to be headed by a hero of the old order. Worse, those closest to the old man, and in a position to influence him, were all representative of the old order.
As well as the old nationalists a group of new nationalists emerged out of defeat and economic and social dislocation. This group rallied to populists such as Hitler.
Both the old nationalism of the former ruling class and the new populism of Hitler's followers existed just below the surface in the 1920s. As Overy describes it, "...in 1929, German populism and nationalism burst, boiling, through the weak veil of German democracy".
Declining farm incomes did not endear the republic to rural people.
The middle class resented the fact that their savings had been wiped out in 1923 while others had profited from inflation.
The Army remained unreformed and tolerant but not sympathetic towards democracy. (In 1926 20% of army officers were the sons of nobility, while the nobility was only 0.14% of the total population.)
Working people actually improved their situation with better real wages, unemployment insurance and lower working hours. What this did, however, was to alienate other groups such as big business, who resented their loss of power and profit, and the lower middle class, who saw their own position threatened by a system which seemed to favour the working class.
Activities
Task 1
- Read the summaries of political, economic and social issues in the Weimar Republic to 1929 and identify, for follow up, any terms or events which you do not understand.
- Use the summaries to gather evidence for both propositions - that is firstly, to argue that democracy was stable during the period 1923–29 and then secondly that it was unstable over the same time period.
- Consider which proposition you believe to be the stronger.
- Imagine you have been asked to write an extended response on political, economic and social issues in the Weimar Republic to 1929. In your response what actions of governments, individuals, political and social groups and underlying issues would you refer to?.
Task 2
- Describe the makeup of social classes in Weimar Germany, e.g. the aristocracy, big business, the middle class, the lower middle class and the working class. Consider how each might have been affected by events such as defeat in the First World War, the abdication of the Kaiser and the Ruhr invasion. How would these events have influenced differing attitudes towards democracy?
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Use the summaries to:
- describe the extent of social change in the period 1923 – 29
- suggest reasons for this change or lack of change
- explain the consequences, especially in terms of support for democracy.
Bibliography
Bonnell, A 1991, 'Reassessing Weimar', Teaching History, February.
Cornelius, D 1994, 'The German Army and the Weimar Republic', Teaching History, April.
Heiber, H 1993, The Weimar Republic, Trans W E Yuill, Oxford: Blackwell.
Kershaw, I 1998, Hitler 1889-1936 Hubris, Longman (845 pages)
A detailed coverage of Hitler's life and rise to power.
Kershaw, I 2008, Hitler, Longman (230 pages)
This is a short biography of Hitler which still covers the nature of Hitler's power and how he used that power.
King, J 1993, 'Essential Features of the Weimar Republic', Teaching History, March.
McCallum, A 1992, Germany 1918 – 1945, Rigby Heinemann, Melbourne.
Newton, D 1990, Germany 1918 – 45, Shakespeare Head Press, Melbourne.
Taylor, A J P 1961, The Course of German History, Methuen, London.
Wheeler-Bennett, J 1964, The Nemesis of Power: The German Army in Politics, 1918 – 1945, Macmillan, London.
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